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(en) Anarchist Age Weekly Review No.560 18th August ­ 24th August 2003

From Phil McCrory <philmcc@melbpc.org.au>, a@ainfos.ca
Date Wed, 20 Aug 2003 11:36:36 +0200 (CEST)

A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
News about and of interest to anarchists
http://ainfos.ca/ http://ainfos.ca/index24.html

SUICIDE: The Melbourne Age's series on the important issue of escalating male suicide
rates, raises questions not just about individual behaviour and
responsibility, but the role this country¹s institutions play in the suicide
rate. Although the problem of suicide may at first glance seem to be
confusing and complex, societal factors play a much more important role than
they are given credit for. It's relatively easy to dismiss suicide as a
personal or familial problem that is unrelated to what is happening in wider society.
The initiatives that are currently being undertaken by both government and
non-government organisations, concentrate on treating the alarming rise in
reactive depression in the community and the resultant suicide rate as an
individual problem. Therapy, when it's available, is limited to personal
and familial intervention. Today, it's not therapeutically fashionable to
link the increasing levels of reactive depression, self harm and suicide
rates to problems directly related to the type of society we have become.


Experiments with rats have repeatedly shown that the behaviour they display
as individuals and as members of a distinct community are related to the
social conditions they are exposed to. Life in postmodern Western society
distinctly lacks meaning. Consumerism and the resultant sacrifices
individuals, families and society have had to make to survive in a culture
where competition has destroyed what few co-operative traits that existed in
the community, have taken a toll both on individuals and Australian society
as a whole. One of the most important reasons for the increasing price
individuals and the Australian community, is paying for the transformation
that has occurred in this country, is the increasing rhetoric, reality gap
faced by an increasing number of people.

Children that are told that in Australia they can be what they want to be,
soon find that the reality does not match the rhetoric. Families, who
believe that hard work opens the door to success, soon find that the strains
and stresses of moulding their lives around their work, destroys family
life. Those Australians who look for justice in this country¹s institutions
soon find that the rhetoric about the role of these institutions does not
meet the reality they collide with. There is a crisis, a real crisis in
this country. Honest, hard working, ethical, moral, men and women are
beginning to realise that only cheats, liars and criminals prosper and
succeed in Australia. No wonder despair, hopelessness and self-loathing
have become such an important factor in so many people's lives.

The Alternative Liberal Party (A.L.P.) is falling into the same trap it fell
into at the last Federal election. Electors are having a great deal of
difficulty distinguishing Labor Party policies from Liberal Party policies.
Concerned about the consequences of articulating alternative policies, the
A.L.P. have decided to fight the next Federal election on only two major
issues, access to post secondary education and "saving" Medicare.

Frightened about becoming a target for a corporate dominated fourth estate,
they have conveniently forgotten their core principles and continue to pass
legislation through parliament that supports the Howard government's
neo-conservative agenda. Their support for the Howard government's
draconian A.S.I.O. legislation and their decision not to oppose a "free"
trade agreement between Australia and the United States are just two of the
major issues where they have failed to raise alternatives. Most
Australian's can no longer distinguish the difference between governments
and Labor party's policies, because there is no significant difference
between their agendas.

It's no accident that the Labor Party wallows in the political doldrums.
They have made themselves such a rapidly shrinking target that even
consummate political groupies have trouble telling the two sides political
programs apart. The electorate is becoming increasingly disillusioned with
a political process that offers no apparent policy differences about the
issues of the day. The problem has evolved as a consequence of major
political parties accepting the promise that there is only one way that an
issue can be tackled. Even the minor parties seem to accept the underlying
promise that corporate capitalism cannot be challenged.

Debate and policy initiatives are limited to ideas that are acceptable to
the corporate sector. The centralisation of power and wealth in fewer and
fewer hands and the corporatisation of the fourth estate have made it much
more difficult for political parties that back current economic and
political orthodoxies to gain any traction in a community that has become
mesmerised by the colour of the box the political message comes in, not the
contents of the package. Faced with the prospect of being forced to vote
for political parties that are squabbling over the colour, not the content
of the political message, more and more Australian electors are deserting
the parliamentary process by not registering to vote, not voting, or by
casting an informal ballot.

In 1841 the Chief Protector of Aborigines brought across to Victoria a
number of the survivors of the black wars in Tasmania who had been interned
on Flinders Island in Bass Strait to help "civilise" the Victorian tribes.
Two men and three women escaped from Robinson¹s party in October 1841 and
launched a guerilla struggle against the white colonisers. Napoleon
Tunermenerwail, Robert Smallboy, Truganini and two other women stole two
guns and successfully terrorised rural Victoria. They killed two whalers at
Cape Patterson, robbed seven sheep stations and wounded four whites in a
short sharp campaign.

Ironically local black trackers led the police to their campsite and the
five were arrested. The five terrorists were tried in Melbourne, before a
jury which acquitted the three women, but found the two men guilty of
murder. Judge Willis, keen to make an example of the prisoners sentenced
them to hang for their crimes. Tunermenerwail and Smallboy were dangerous

In the eyes of the good burghers of Melbourne, they deserved to die. On the
21st of January 1842, they were paraded through the streets of Melbourne and
became the first people to be officially executed in the new colony. Six
thousand people watched them slowly asphyxiate to death at the corner of
Bowen and Franklin Street at the hands of a hangman who was unfamiliar with
his craft.

In the eyes of the excited crowd, these men were terrorists and deserved
their fate. One hundred and sixty one years later, the same cry
reverberates across the land, terrorists deserve to die, they should be
executed by the State. Through their actions they have forfeited their
right to life. Sounds cut and dry until you examine the reasons why people
embrace terrorism as a political tool. People aren¹t born terrorists, they
embrace terrorism as a consequence of their experiences. In 1842 Smallboy¹s
and Tunermenerwail¹s actions were met with as much incomprehension as the
actions of religious fundamentalists are met with by the West in 2003.

Terrorism is first and foremost a political problem, executing the Amrozis
and the Tunermenerwail¹s of the world may give the 21st Century equivalent
of the crowds that witnessed Smallboy¹s and Tunermenerwail¹s execution in
1842 a warm inner glow. It will not diminish the threat that a community is
exposed to that is unable or unwilling to examine the reasons behind the
outrages perpetrated by people who embrace terror as a political tool.

The trials and tribulations of Shane Warne have dominated media headlines
over the past few days. Public attention has been drawn to his
indiscretions in a manner that few public figures have been subjected to.
Irrespective of what he has been accused of doing, it's important to
remember that Shane Warne is just another highly paid entertainer. He
wields little if any power and whether he continues to play cricket doesn't
in the wider scheme of things, really matter.

On the other hand the Prime Minister is a powerful figure, he has the power
to commit the nation to war. As head of the Federal government, he wields
enormous power within Cabinet and the decisions he and his Cabinet
colleagues make have profound implications for all of us. You have to ask
yourself why a veritable non entity like Shane Warne, makes front page news
when he's accused of sending a series of suggestive text messages, while the
Prime Minister, the man who committed Australian Defence Personnel to the
war in Iraq on questionable intelligence and lied about the threat that
Iraq's weapons of mass destruction posed to Australia, is not subjected to
the same media scrutiny.

The Australian corporate dominated media and the government gelded ABC have
a history of exposing the peccadilloes of the Shane Warnes of the world, but
seem incapable or unwilling to expose the greater sins of those who wield
power in Australian society. The Prime Minister, John Howard, the man who
introduced the core and non-core promise into the Australian lexicon, a man
who has on a number of occasions lied to the Australian people and who has
been accused of lying to parliament, has his significant indiscretions
ignored or regulated to a footnote in the fourth estate, while Shane Warne's
behaviour is treated as a major news item by a significant proportion of the
media. It's time the fourth estate stopped insulting the intelligence of
its viewers, listeners and readers and concentrated on disseminating some
real news and analysis, not the pseudo babble that passes as news and
current affairs in so many of the countries media outlets.

It seems that John Howard and Simon Crean agree on one thing. They both
claim that corporate political donors don¹t receive any special privileges,
well that¹s what they keep telling us. Phillip Ruddock, the Minister for
Immigration agrees, it¹s just a coincidence that all those asylum seekers
who made a donation to the Liberal Party coffers, were granted Australian
citizenship by the Minister.

Who do they think we are? What type of fools do they take us for? The
wink-wink, nod-nod style of politics, that¹s currently all the vogue, is
based on the amount of money that¹s donated to a parties political coffers.
They know the name of the game, they understand what¹s expected of them, no
corporation makes a donation to a political party without expecting
something in return. No phone calls, no email messages, no letters, no
discussions, just the bottom line. Next time an issue that¹s dear to a
corporate donor¹s heart is discussed in the Cabinet or Shadow Cabinet
everybody, knows what they have to do.

They¹ll go through the motion of discussing the issue, they¹ll take the
moral high ground, but when push comes to shove they know what they have to
do if they want to see that same donor fill the parties coffers next year.
The way political parties raise money poses some very important questions
for all of us. Why should political parties be allowed to accept large
donations? Political parties that receive more than 4% of the vote cast in a
Federal Election receive a healthy little monetary reward for each vote
cast. The whole purpose of paying political parties for the votes they had
received was to stop them relying on political donors, who through their
donations manipulated the parties¹ policies.

It¹s time the wink-wink, nod-nod style of politics that the parties¹ bagmen
have utilised to elicit donations from corporate donors was outlawed. This
can be done, by placing an upper limit in the size of individual or
corporate donations. A figure of $1000 would ensure that political parties
wouldn¹t trade their policies for dollars. If their revenue dropped
significantly, it would even be worthwhile increasing the taxpayer funded
bounty they collected for each vote cast. Anything would be better than the
current policy auction.

A. Energy has always been and will continue to be an important part of any
society¹s infrastructure. Increasing population levels and diminishing
access to finite resources has made the search for renewable energy sources
much more important than it was in the past. Anarchist communities would
over time change their resources of energy from non-renewable to renewable
They do this not just because non-renewable sources will run out at the
current levels of usage. They will transfer to renewable sources because
wind, sun, waste products and water are decentralised energy sources.
Anarchists want to abolish the State apparatus and replace it with a
federation of community and workplace councils because they are concerned
that small groups can capture State power and use the infrastructure of the
State to impose their will on millions of people. Centralised forms of
power production that need highly sophisticated infrastructure are just as
likely to be able to be controlled by a small group of people as the State
apparatus is.
Anarchist communities would produce power to service their communities by
building local energy infrastructure that uses renewable material. Excess
production would be downloaded into a grid that provides power to a
federation of communities. If one community does not have access to
renewable resources one year, they would be able to obtain their power needs
off the common grid.
A federation of anarchist communities could not be destroyed by destroying a
centralised energy source as each community has the capacity to produce
energy for itself irrespective of whether it is attached to the common grid
or not. The decentralisation of energy sources should be just as important
an issue among anarchists as is the abolition of the State. In both cases
small groups have the capacity to impose their will on millions of people.

Social and political movements are made up of interlinking issues.
Understanding the nature of the movement you¹re involved in is an important
part of any struggle you¹re concerned about. It¹s not enough just to know
what you¹re up against, you need to be able to articulate alternatives about
what you¹re protesting against. In order to put forward alternatives, you
need to have some understanding of the issues you¹re protesting about.
Whether an emerging campaign captures the public imagination depends to a
large degree on whether you have a good understanding of how that issue
effects those around you, who the major players are and what input you can
make into the debate. It¹s important that discussion about the issue is not
left up to the experts. Letting experts run the debate allows the side that
has access to the most resources to determine the parametres of the debate.
We need to define the issue and determine the parametres of the debate. We
must not allow those we are struggling against to set limits about what is
possible, desirable and realistic.
Our job is to define the issues and raise alternatives. The institutions
and organisations we are struggling against will try to close down the
debate by marginalising those who have raised objectives and alternatives to
what they are doing. It¹s impossible to concentrate on the issue and
continue to publicly challenge the statements they have made. Linking the
issue with the effects it has on people will stop them from marginalising
groups that are attempting to raise alternatives. If they fail to
marginalise you, they will attempt to destroy the momentum you have created
by stating that you don¹t understand economics and what you are suggesting
is unreasonable, utopian and most importantly of all, can not be funded.
As you don¹t have the resources that they have, it¹s important not to become
involved in a debate about what the costs will be as you will not be in a
position to counter their arguments. When faced with costing difficulties,
point out that the issue revolves around political will, not costs, by
highlighting how money can be found to fund programs that fit their
ideological agenda or improve their profitability.

"BANJO CLARKE ­ WISDOM MAN As Told To Camilla Chance"
Œ-The Compassionate Life & Beliefs Of A Remarkable Aboriginal Elder¹.
Penguin 2003, ISBN 0670040789
"Wisdom Man" is the life story of Banjo Clarke, a Gunditjamara elder whose
life touched many people. Camilla Chance, only made the existence of the
manuscript that forms the bulk of this book, public, at Banjo¹s funeral in
March 2000. The book is divided into 2 distinct sections. In the first 250
pages, Camilla outlines the life and times of Banjo Clarke. She gathered
the material for the book from a series of interviews that were conducted
with Banjo over the past 2 decades. Camilla Chance first met Banjo Clarke
at the Framlingham Mission outside Warrnambol in Western Victoria. A member
of the Bahai faith, she pieced together Banjo¹s life mostly in interviews
that were conducted at the Hopkins Waterfalls not far from Banjo¹s home.
His life reads like the life of many indigenous people who survived the hard
days, living itinerant lives, surviving the best way they could, destined to
remain on the fringes of white society. His life story is imbued with
recognition of the importance of those who went before him. He recognised
they shaped his life by passing on Aboriginal principles that taught him to
love humanity, share what they had and love the land. The last 30 pages of
the book are filled with recollections about Banjo Clarke that are written
by people whose life he influenced.
Banjo Clarke¹s life was not an overtly political one. He worked with what
he had, lived on his traditional lands, finally winning the papers that gave
his people title to the lands they lived on. If any phrase could describe
Banjo¹s life, it¹s that the personal is the political. He attempted to
influence people through his actions. The claims and counter claims about
Framlingham between Banjo (his family and friends) and his nephew Geoff
Clarke (his family and friends), is a microcosm of the wider struggle that
is occurring within the indigenous community between those who use the white
man¹s structures and institutions to win their rights and those who continue
to follow the old ways and incorporate Aboriginal principles in their lives.
Over 2000 people attended Banjo¹s funeral, he had touched them all in his
own way. Camilla Chance¹s book gives an insight into the life and times of
a man whose principles simultaneously made him an object of derision and a
great source of wisdom. How you view the life of the man, will to a great
degree be shaped by your own experiences.
"Wisdom Man" is available in most Australian bookshops for AUD$29.95

Although Victoria¹s colonial authorities succeeded in putting down the
Eureka rebellion at Ballarat in 1854 in a sea of blood, they were terrified
by the reaction to the massacre in the rest of Victoria, especially
Melbourne. Thousands gathered in Melbourne to show their disgust with the
colonial authorities response to the reasonable demands that had been raised
by the Eureka stockaders. The landed gentry and their supporters were
acutely aware that in the days following the massacre at Eureka, most of
Victoria¹s soldiers, police and naval personnel were at Ballarat, leaving
Melbourne wide open to the threat of rebellion.
Before the Ballarat rebellion, only people who owned more than 2000 pounds
worth of land, were able to be elected to parliament. Only those who owned
50 pounds worth of land or who belonged to one of the professions had the
right to vote. The very same squatters, who had driven the indigenous clans
off their lands in the most brutal and barbaric manner, completely
controlled Victoria¹s parliament. Terrified that the people they had
excluded from the parliamentary process would revolt, universal male
suffrage, one of the five demands made by the Eureka miners, was extended to
all men over the age of 21 within a year of the Eureka rebellion.
Peter Lalor, the Eureka miners elected leader, was elected to Victoria¹s
Legislative Council as one of the 2 members for Ballarat, one day after the
1st anniversary of the Eureka rebellion. Interestingly, Peter Lalor vacated
the seat of Ballarat in late 1856 one year after he was elected by the
people of Ballarat because he supported a vote in the Upper House that
attempted to re-introduce property qualifications for both candidates and
electors. Within 2 years of leading the Eureka uprising, Peter Lalor was
voting to re-introduce the property qualifications that had been swept aside
as a consequence of the Eureka rebellion. Seeing the writing on the wall,
Lalor did not stand for re-election in the seat of Ballarat, he transferred
to the conservative seat of Grant and represented the electors of Grant till
October 1887.
His answer to a question in parliament when he was involved in the debate
about reintroducing property qualifications for electors Œdid he really
believe in democracy?¹ gives an insight into his thinking.
"I would ask these gentlemen what they mean by the term ¹democracy¹? Do
they mean Chartism or communism or republicanism? If so, I never was, I am
not now, nor do I ever intend to be, a democrat. But if a democrat means
opposition to a tyrannical press a tyrannical people or a tyrannical
government, then I have ever been, I am still, and will ever remain a

One day the trees are bare, the next day one or two cherry blossom buds have
broken rank, the day after the streets are awash with blossoms. Second week
in August somewhere in Melbourne, the cherry blossoms, bright pink against
the grey winter sky bud. In times where our understanding of nature has
been blunted by the sights, sounds and smells of the post industrial age,
the cherry blossom points to another world, a world we conveniently choose
to ignore.
Different parts of Melbourne are awash with plants from all corners of the
earth. Non-indigenous trees don¹t just appear, somebody has gone to the
trouble of planting them. The cherry blossom, an introduced species came
into vogue in Australia in the 1960¹s. Servicemen and women who had been
part of the Australian occupation forces in Japan found themselves caught up
in the local celebrations surrounding the appearance of the first cherry
blossoms. For hundreds, possibly thousands of years, the blossoming of the
cherry tree in Japan marked the transition between winter and spring, an
important moment in a society where the success of the spring plantings,
determined whether hunger would sweep the land in winter.
The types of trees that grow and blossom can garner the history of any city
in Australia. Council plantings of cherry blossoms in the 1960¹s marked the
edge of cities that in the last 30 years have doubled in size. What were
the outer suburbs have now become the geographical centres of the cities.
Today, the wheel has turned full circle. No self-respecting council would
dream of planting non-indigenous species. The cherry blossom, an introduced
species, has a natural life expectancy. It will grow and eventually die and
be replaced with a new craze. The interface between winter and spring that
the cherry blossom marks in the city¹s collective consciousness will
disappear. Old rhythms that have existed for tens of thousands of years
will once again enter the consciousness of a people who arrogantly believe
they have the power to master and transcended the natural rhythms that
indigenous people have taken for granted for so long.
Signs that we no longer hear or see, abandoned shark casings in the
shallows, the sound of a bird that has returned from its regular migration
or the discarded shell of an insect, mark points on a natural calender that
will continue to exist when human attempts to harvest and contain time in
human terms will have been erased from the face of the planet.

Looks like Johnny Howard¹s won the Pacific Islands trifecta. Keen to make
the South Pacific safe for Australian capital, the Federal government has
just bankrolled the South Pacific neo-colonial express. Using aid as his
weapon, the Prime Minister is trying to transform the South Pacific into an
Australian political dependency.
Intervention in the Solomon Islands has become the stepping stone for a
Œboys own¹ Pacific adventure. The election of Australia¹s own, as the
representative for the Pacific Islands forum, will turn out to be a disaster
for most of the Pacific Island nations. Their ties with the rest of the
world will be replaced by an unhealthy dependency on Australia. The
election of Howard¹s boy to represent the Pacific forum, intervention in the
Solomon Islands and the formation of the Pacific Islands police force
(trained by the Australian Federal Police) to be deployed around the South
Pacific, will provide the muscle that Australia needs to make sure that only
governments that are sympathetic to Australian interests remain in office.
Although John Howard may have won the trifecta in the South Pacific, the
methods that he used to impose his will on the South Pacific forum, has left
a bitter taste in the mouths of many of the independent States in the
region. It¹s important to remember that Howard¹s tactics have destroyed the
consensus that made the Pacific Island forum tick. What has been hailed as
a victory, is in fact a defeat. Those independent nations in the South
Pacific that are now feeling threatened by Australia¹s intervention at all
levels of government, will be looking towards other countries to provide
them with the assistance they require. The costs associated with the
provision of Australian aid, is something they are no longer willing to
carry. The Federal government¹s ham fisted attempts to mould the South
Pacific into an Australian neo-colonial dependency will backfire with
disastrous results for both the people of the South Pacific and Australia.

Joseph TOSCANO / Libertarian Workers
for a Self-Managed Society.

Here are some 'cheap-as-chips', weekly-hire, classic anti-war films made
about World War 1.

If going to the cinema then look out for the new ŒBuffalo Soldiers¹, that
premiered at the Melbourne International Film Festival. ŒBS¹ was withheld
from release for 2 years as it upset post-Sept 11 super-patriotic audiences.
The plot shows bored - without a war to fight - US troops in Germany, before
the fall of the Berlin Wall, as thieves & thugs.

Dalton Trumbo, 1971, US 111 min.
Adapted for the screen by the director, based on a true story, 30 years
after he published it. Originally to be directed by surrealist Louis Bunuel
it¹s bloody horrifying. A WWI casualty is left limb-less, faceless, deaf,
dumb & blind, confined to semi-existence in a back room of a hospital. He
learns to communicate with the world through a painful Morse code, tapped
with his head on the pillow. His final request; people be allowed to see
him or that he be allowed to die - is refused by the authorities. Through
interior monologue, flashbacks to his pre-war life & fantasy sequences,
(Donald Sutherland as Jesus!) we get inside his head! Not a 'nice' place to
be but a remarkable film! Dalton Trumbo fought back against his
"blacklisting" by the House Un-American Activities Commission of Senator
Eugene "mean" McCarthy & Richard Nixon (with assistance of the informer
Ronald Reagan & other authoritarians). Trumbo was finally openly credited as
screenwriter on the 1960 film Spartacus (starring Kirk Douglas & directed by
Stanley Kubrick).

1969. GB. Richard Attenborough, 144 min.
See General Haig playing leapfrog & the Somme trench warfare losses counted
on a Cricket scoreboard. You also get a sing-along soundtrack as the
conscript & volunteer workers march to their deaths. Rare glimpses of mutiny
like the Xmas truce when British & German troops got out of the trenches,
fraternised & were forced back to fighting by artillery shelling their
party, anti-war agitators also get a quick showing.
Alas the 'salt of the earth' are repeatedly ordered to go "over the top" &
into the machine gun fire, hang out on barbed wire. A classic of irony &
spectacle with lots of 1960's Brit-flick stars.

Directed by Stanley Kubrick, 1957, USA, B/W 86 min.
Stars Kirk Douglas as the lawyer for the damned, 3 blameless condemned
privates. It was banned, on political grounds, in France for 18 years for
its critique of French Military authorities in WWI. For its time, some
stunning photography of misguided strategy.

"It is not enough to know the world is absurd & restrict yourself merely to
pointing out that fact...It¹s wrong to expect a reward for your struggles.
The reward is the act of struggle itself, not what you win. Even though you
can't expect to defeat the absurdity of the world, you must make an attempt.
That's morality, that's religion, that's art, that's life." - Phil Ochs.
Broadside 63, October 1965.

Directed by Joe Chappelle. USA. 2000. 92 min
Writing credits (WGA) Tsutomu Shimomura (II) (book) & John Markoff (book)
... Plot Outline: This film is based on the story of the capture of computer
hacker Kevin Mitnick. Cast: Tom Berenger...McCoy RollinsŠSkeet
Ulrich...Kevin MitnickŠRussell Wong...Tsutomu Shimomura. Rated R for
language & some sexual content. A worthwhile film to watch on the merits of
DEFINITELY more realistic than the awful "Hackers," that portrayed the
hackers as ultra-cool players. This flick shows rather lonely,
self-esteemed-challenged. "Hacking" isn't glamorous. It's terribly boring,
languid, repetitious & the result is probably hardly worth all the effort
put into it; but still educational for the hackers themselves of course!
More collective protest efforts like the global indymedia
counter-information project, mass emailing to block up Authorities & culture
jamming (satirising corporate logos & ad campaigns) are brilliant, see
Ad-Busters magazine & website for examples.
Locally, here in Melbourne, during the Sept 11 2000 (!) protests outside the
Crown Casino against the World Economic Forum & Bill Gates cult the official
NIKE web site was "hacked" into. All internet traffic was automatically
redirected from NIKE direct to anti-WEF site instead; much to NIKE's fury at
every day's loss of $ from it's fashion victims. The FBI & several local
police forces took ages to get their act together, finally using
an-ex-hacker turned security expert to get their head around hacking at all
& finally to catch KM.
The film was slow to be released, as it was a hard-learned lesson for the
ignorant authorities. Kevin Mitnick is himself out of jail now, with his own
web site of KM commodities for you to purchase on line. The hacker
community had avenger-fun hassling back the private and state security
forces who persecuted KM.

… SPARKS No111 July/August 2003, The Rank and File Transport Workers Paper,
P.O. Box 92, Broadway 2007, SYDNEY AUSTRALIA, Mobile:0406956341,
… WORKERS NEWS Vol.35 July¹03, P.O.Box10, 652 Manmahan Labour Building,
Putali Sadak, Gefont Plaza, Kathmandu, NEPAL, Tel:+9771248072,
Fax:+9771248073, info@gefont.org www.gefont.org

DEBT ELIMINATION APPEAL - Our debt stands at $1942.55
HERE WE GO AGAIN, ONLY EIGHT MONTHS INTO 2003 & we find ourselves struggling
to pay our bills & survive. Just in case you¹re waiting for a renewal
notice ­ we don¹t send any out, we leave it up to our subscribers to take on
this responsibility & re-subscribe when their subscription has run out. We
need to raise $210.00 per week in order to cover typing, printing, postage &
radio program and ongoing campaign costs. How much we are able to do depends
to a large degree on the level of our finances. You can help by A) -
Subscribing to the AAWR $10.00 = 10 Issues, $50.00 = 50 Issues, B) - joining
our Dollar A Day group or C) - donating money or stamps. Think about buying
your local library or a friend a subscription to the A.A.W.R. If sending
less than $20.00 save on banking costs & send us 50cent stamps. Otherwise
make out cheques & money orders to LIBERTARIAN WORKERS & send to P.O. BOX
Debt 20-08-2003 $1942.55

Has been awarded to the dear leader,
our beloved Prime Minister John Howard, for using Australia¹s aid package to
the Pacific Island States, to force their governments to support the
Australian government¹s neo-colonial agenda for the South Pacific.

187 MEMBERS ­ 363 TO GO
Politically manipulated and scorned? Sick of being a peripheral player
every time a Federal election comes around, then join:- VOTE INFORMAL
TODAY, DIRECT DEMOCRACY TOMORROW - a "political party" that is putting the
boot into the Australian Parliamentary Process. Send a stamp self-addressed
envelope to
PO Box 20, Parkville. 3052. Melbourne. Australia Telephone (03) 9828 2856
(24 hour answering service). We will send information about how to join
this unique 21st century Australian phenomena.
Written and authorised by Joseph Toscano
(National Convenor 205 Nicholson St Footscray 3012 Melbourne Aust.)
Current membership 187. We need 550 members to apply for registration as a
political party, so that members can stand at the Federal election in 2004
and show Australian¹s that Parliamentary Democracy is nothing more than two
minutes of illusory power.

If you want a universal health care system that every body irrespective of
income, has access to join your local Defend and Extend Medicare group.
Email:Defendmedicare@yahoo.com.au www.defendmedicare.cjb.net
Tel: 03 5982 1170, Postal: P.O. Box 5035 Alphington 3078, Victoria
Download any material you want and distribute it to your local community.

Broadcast across Australia on the National Community Radio Satellite.
The Anarchist World This Week is broadcast from 3CR (855khz AM dial) in
Melbourne between 10.00AM TO 11.OOAM every Wednesday. It is also broadcast
simultaneously across Australia to a number of community radio stations,
some broadcast it live, others later on during the week. Do you listen to a
community radio station? Want to listen to the Anarchist World This Week?
Then ask them to download it from the National Community Radio Satellite,
play it live or play it later on in the week.

STAMP APPEAL - We spend over $500.00 on postage stamps per month. If
you¹re writing to us or have any spare stamps floating about stuff them into
the envelope & send them to us. JOIN our $5.00 a month group & send us a
book of 10 50 cent stamps every month.

EMAIL MADNESS - Have access to cyberspace? Want to help us save on printing
& postage costs? Then why don¹t you receive the AAWR by email?
INTERESTED?? Then email us at anarchistage@yahoo.com & arrange to have the
weekly emailed to you.

Increasing financial problems have forced us to review how The Anarchist
Media Institute¹s finances are raised. Currently subscriptions and
donations only account for about 40% of the income necessary to cover our
costs. To overcome this problem we¹ve launched a:-
We are looking for THIRTY People, interested in our activities, to pledge to
ŒA Dollar A Day¹ for twelve months. You can donate monthly or yearly. Make
out cheques and money orders to:- Libertarian Workers and send to PO Box 20,
Parkville. 3052. Melbourne. Australia. Those who pledge will receive a "I
Saved The Anarchist Media Institute" A3 poster which you can frame and put
up at work or home - A great talking point if nothing else. We¹ve got the
ideas and energy but we need your financial assistance to keep going. Go
on, become one of the Magnificent Thirty that saved the Anarchist Media

>From 4AM TO 4PM
Celebrate the important elements of the Eureka rebellion
"We swear by the Southern Cross to stand truly by each other and fight to
defend our rights and liberties"
… 4.00AM ­ 6.00AM ­ Gathering at Eureka Park to mark the 149th anniversary
of the battle on the site and at the time it occurred
… 6.00am ­ 10.00am ­ Breakfast Eureka Hall (Bring own food & drinks)
… 10.00am ­ 11.00am ­ Radio broadcast across Australia involving the
participants at the site on the National Community Radio Satellite
… 11.30am ­ 1.00pm ­ March from Eureka Park to Bakery Hill to re-affirm the
Eureka Oath. March back to Eureka Park
… 1.00pm ­ 4.00pm ­ Lunch & conversation (bring own food & drinks)
Reclaim your history, use that history to change the future.
>From 4AM TO 4PM

If You Like What You Have Read, Photocopy This Publication and Leave It In
Doctors, Dentists,
Vets Waiting Rooms and In Railway Stations, Bus Stops, Libraries and
Restaurants Etc.
The articles in the Anarchist Age Weekly Review reflect the personal
opinions of the authors, they do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the
publishers, the Libertarian Workers for a Self-Managed Society/Anarchist
Media Institute.
All material in the Anarchist Age Weekly Review can be used by anarchists,
anarchist collectives and non-profit organisations as long as the source of
the material is mentioned in the article. The Anarchist Age Weekly Review
reserves all rights as far as commercial publications are concerned.


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