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(en) NEFAC interview with AF members

From Worker <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Date Tue, 12 Aug 2003 06:59:58 +0200 (CEST)

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This is an interview with Nick and Bonnie, two founding members of the Anarchist Federation (AF) from
London. The AF has been around for nearly twenty years, and was instrumental in assisting with
the early formation of NEFAC (and, of course, they continue to be a large influence on us!). Over the
years the AF has made important contributions to anarcho-communist theory and practice within the
English-speaking anarchist world, and, although they do not explicitly define themselves as a "platformist"
group per se, there is a strong critical influence present in their organisational activity.
- interview by MaRK, Class Against Class (NEFAC-Boston)
> From: E W <nastyned-A-email.com>

Q: Could you give a brief history of the Anarchist Federation? When did the
group form? What was the political background of the founding members?

AF: The Anarchist Federation, or rather its precursor the Anarchist Communist
Federation, formed in 1985, shortly after the last great miners' strike. It coalesced
around the Libertarian Communist Discussion Group, which distributed stocks of the
"The Organisational Platform of Libertarian Communists", left over from the days of
the Anarchist Workers Association (AWA) and Libertarian Communist Group (LCG).

The emphasis was on building a platformist style organisation in Britain, and in
building an organisation built on class struggle and anarchist communism. We rejected
anarcho-syndicalism, and felt that Class War was too much into the stunt-politics
built around a few strong personalities and too little theory and too much post-punk
posing. Two of us had been active in French libertarian politics previous to the
founding of the organisation. One was a veteran of the movement since 1966, who
had been active in the Anarchist Federation of Britain, the Organisation of
Revolutionary Anarchists and its avatars, the AWA and LCG. Two of us initially had
a brief history with leftist groups (primarily the Socialist Workers Party), and moved
to libertarian politics as a result of our experiences. The AF emerged out of a
merger of the Libertarian Communist Discussion Group, and the magazine `Virus'. `Virus'
then became our mouthpiece [later changing its name to `Organise!'], so we were
then able to gather other militants around us and set up the ACF.

Q: From the early development of the AF, there seems to have been a strong
platformist influence in how you viewed questions of revolutionary organisation,
however this seems less pronounced in more recent literature produced by
the federation. Do you consider the AF to be an explicitly `platformist'
organisation? How influential would you say `platformism' has been to the
federation's political development?

AF: No, the AF is not an explicitly "platformist" organisation. It is informed by its
politics fairly significantly, and it acknowledges the main points of the Platform (tactical
and theoretical unity, federalism, and collective responsibility). But, a lot has
happened since 1926 - the critiques of capitalist society coming from the women's
movement, the lessons to be learnt from the the theory and practice of council
communism, of Socialisme ou Barbarie and its British counterpart Solidarity, the whole post
1926 experiences of French and Spanish anarchism - FCL, ORA, OCL (first and
second), UTCL, etc., and the failures of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, the Friends of
Durruti, the experience of British libertarian organisations (pre-war with the
AntiParliamentary Communist Federation, post-war with the ORA, AWA, LCG etc.) and
we cannot run on the spot. We have to address capitalism as it is now and the
relevant ways we can organise to fight it. But yes, the Platform is a significant and
important document and any revolutionary anarchist organisation that is at all
serious has to take account of it, without being obsessed by it.

Q: The AF currently has active groups in England, Wales, Scotland, and now
Ireland. How do these groups relate to each other?
What level of co-ordination is there between localities? How much autonomy
does each group have within your federated structure?

AF: Each group organises on a regional basis within the framework of the AF. There
is a healthy discussion via our Internet List, our internal Bulletin, our Delegate
Meetings and Conferences. There's been an `Anarchist Dayschool' in Scotland, and
one coming up in Ireland. There is autonomy for each section within the federalist
structure and any area or group can obviously bring out its own publications and
pamphlets (as indeed they do).

We thought the comments by a member of the Irish WSM regarding the AF's
internal organisation in the last `Northeastern Anarchist' ["An Irish Anarchist In the
Northeast: Reflections on the North American Anarchist Movement" by Chekov
Feeney] were pretty crass and showed a distinct ignorance of the way we function.

The AF structure is not at all like the NEFAC structure, where a number of collectives
affiliate to the NEFAC federation. And to say that collectives and individuals affiliated
to the NEFAC structure on a semi-member basis is like the AF structure is totally
erroneous, because that doesn't happen. Each member has to agree with our
ideas and is met by AF members before they join.

Of course, an organisation [WSM] with two branches that function in cities with
populations of 150,000 (Cork) and 1.2 million (Dublin) can act in an apparently more
cohesive way, especially when the Leninist movement in that country is not significantly
larger than the anarchist movement. But we are faced with organising in
many cities and are faced with a Leninist movement to be numbered in the thousands,
who have certain hegemony over political mobilisations. We have become
the largest anarchist organisation in Britain, and anyone can see who looks in depth
that there is a cohesion and coherence to our politics and activities.

Q: How do you view the current state of the anarchist movement (and broader
`anti-capitalist' milieu) in Britain and Ireland? How much impact or influence
would you say the AF has had within the larger movement?

AF: The movement in Britain and Ireland is still immensely weak, still struggling to
get out of the anarchist ghetto. There is still a strong anti-theoretical bias, and still
an obsession with spectacular stunts in some quarters.

Similarly, there is still a distinct anti-organisational prejudice among many, with
some extolling the virtues of local organisation (as if local organisation and
strong organisation on a territory were mutually exclusive!). There is still much work to be
done, to reach say, the strength and implantation that anarchists have in France.

Q: What is your political relationship to other class struggle anarchist organisations
in Britain (Class War, Solidarity Federation) and Ireland (Workers
Solidarity Movement, Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation)?

AF: Sure we work with other class struggle anarchists where and when we can, for
instance AF-Ireland has recently produced a joint bulletin with the Anarcho-
Syndicalist Federation. But it's fair to say that apart from punctual collaborations
(benefits, etc.) there's been not much collaboration even at the level of organising
united blocs on demos. We've done our best in the past to make this come about,
but there's only so much you can do if there is reluctance for this to happen.

Q: There seems to be a strong council communist influence in some areas of the
AF's politics, specifically around your critical position on trade unions and
anarcho-syndicalism. What strategies of workplace resistance and self-organisation
does the AF promote in place of traditional union strategies?

AF: Well, you printed our strategy on workplaces in the last issue of your magazine
["Workplace Resistance Groups"; NEA#5]. So let that speak for itself. Our position
we feel to be correct and born out by experience (look at the recent maneuvers by
the Fire Brigades Union to dampen down the firefighters struggle as a concrete
example). We don't call on workers to leave the unions en bloc, but neither do we
counsel anarchist militants taking positions in the unions. We found the recent
articles in `Northeastern Anarchist' on taking positions as organisers within the unions to
be pretty appalling. You'll end up being totally taken over by the unions. Look what
happened to Rose Pesotta and plenty of other anarchists who adopted this line in
the past. They ended up keeping their anarchism quiet, supporting the war effort in
World War II, and generally operating as a non-parliamentarian type of social
democrat if you will. You have to offer specific anarchist communist politics in the
struggle, not do the work of the unions for them. What matters is the autonomous
organisation of the working class, and to think this can be done via the unions is
an error.

Q: What are some campaigns or struggles where the AF has made successful
interventions? Current activity?

AF: Well we did a lot of work around the Poll Tax struggle at the time. We produced
two pamphlets and a number of leaflets and stickers addressing that struggle. The
Trotskyist organisation Militant had a grip on many areas of the struggle, but we feel
we had some influence. Of course bringing out `Resistance' on a monthly basis with
an ever-increasing distribution and circulation allows us to influence people who
have never come across anarchist ideas before, and there is a steady increase in
requests for more information about us and revolutionary anarchist ideas in general
as a result of this. We are doing a lot of anti-war work at the moment, and no doubt
will do even more in the future.

Q: The AF certainly played an active role in the formation and early development
of NEFAC. What sort of international relations do you maintain with other
anarchist groups around the world?

AF: We take international work extremely seriously and have a number of international
secretaries in contact with many groups and organisations around the world.
We joined the International of Anarchist Federations (IAF/IFA), and have attended all
their congresses and international meetings.

Q: Finally, I can't help but ask why you decided to change the name of the
federation (from Anarchist Communist Federation)?

AF: The name change did not mean we gave up our anarchist communist politics.
We didn't change our Aims and Principles! Anyone who reads our publications will
soon realise we put over an explicit anarchist communist viewpoint. It's not so much
what you call yourselves as a group or organisation, but what you do or say. We
remain libertarian communists. The old name was a mouthful and you were mistaken
for a weird amalgam of Stalinists and libertarians by those who didn't know any
better and we wasted a lot of time explaining what we were about. We haven't
degenerated into some vague libertarian position. It soon becomes apparent to
those who come into contact with our ideas what we are about and we would say
that we have introduced many to the ideas of anarchist communism for the first time.

Anarchist Federation
c/o 84b Whitechapel High St.,
London E1 7QX, ENGLAND

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